Overview

The main purpose of this account is to demonstrate the potential to build our trade unions into organisations that can genuinely defend their members' interests, and those of the wider working class in this period of capitalist decline. Building the type of militant trade union movement that aims at 'the emancipation of the downtrodden millions' can no longer be understood as an aspiration for the future but as an imperative and urgent necessity for today. Trade unions are capable of playing the most positive role in the class struggle. If equipped with a militant perspective, programme and leadership, they are uniquely placed to unify other sections and elements of the working class: the unorganised within our communities together with social movements in the wider struggle for the socialist transformation of society. But long experience tells us trade union leaders are also capable of playing the most divisive, backward and treacherous role. So, what has all this to do with this contribution which is an 'activist's history' of a British trade union representing a relatively small and specific sector of the organised working class, mainly, if not exclusively, civil service workers? If this contribution has one principal, over-arching and inter-connecting theme, it is this - the struggle between militant and collaborationist trade unionism. And this is an issue of the most pressing concern and relevance to activists of all unions, and especially so for socialists and communists struggling to transform their unions, and society too. These events and issues have the sharpest contemporary relevance as Keir Starmer's Labour government embarks on yet another programme of attacks on our class which, unless opposed, will result in a qualitative intensification of the 'race to the bottom'. The price of union inaction or collaboration will be severe. The destruction of the welfare state is at an advanced stage and the assault will continue.Therefore, this contribution is not just concerned with providing an industrial, political and historical analysis of past events but is intended as a guide to action in current and coming struggles. Also discussed are the influence of socialist ideas and activism, the conflict between left and right - particularly the struggle to defeat the 'Moderate' right-wing bureaucracy, the building of an effective United Front and broad lefts, and the role of socialist organisations and parties. Other themes include the union's relations with the wider labour and trade union movement and its demand for united union campaigning, including coordinated industrial action to defend public services and public sector workers' terms, conditions and rights. The inter-connection between industrial and political campaigning is considered, including the union's interventions on wider class issues like anti-racism, national self-determination, and the form of political representation.The destructive role of left sectarianism which exists, to a greater or lesser extent, in any workers' organisation, is also addressed, not 'theoretically' but by examining actual events and issues. The book concludes with a brief consideration of potential directions for the British trade union movement and the many challenges, dangers and opportunities it faces in the current period of ever-deepening crises

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9781907464843

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Reviews

What does this book help us consider? First and foremost, we live in critical times. A dreadful Labour Government wedded to fiscal and political orthodoxy is attacking working-class people, whilst giving the richest a free pass. The rise of right-wing ideas and governments across the world is unleashing attacks on an unprecedented basis. The labour and trade union movement is not currently up to the task ahead. It is reminiscent of much of the period covered in this book. However, the prospects are not encouraging. Social democracy has failed, and working-class people lacking a credible left alternative are increasingly attracted to populist right-wing parties. The obsession of many on the left with identity replacing class as their focus for radicalism has made things worse. This is why this book makes essential reading. By focusing on participation, democracy and listening to workers, we can build organisations that are battle-ready. By being prepared to lead, even in the face of overwhelming odds, we can inspire people to fight, and to win. John's book therefore deserves to be read, debated, and considered. The events it covers, the gains, the mistakes, the highs and the lows all need to be evaluated. But here is the thing - most of all they should galvanise us to fight for the future of the working class. Mark Serwotka

Author Information

John McInally was born in Glasgow in 1954 and grew up in the Easterhouse housing scheme. In 1977 he joined the Militant Tendency, forerunner of the Socialist Party, was active in the Labour Party Young Socialists, and organised campaigns with Unemployed Workers' groups.In 1981 he was employed in the Unemployment Benefit Service (UBS), a forerunner of the Department for Work and Pensions (DWP). Within three months he was elected as a union representative for the Civil and Public Services Association (CPSA) at Easterhouse Benefit Office, going on to lead several campaigns and strikes on various issues. In 1988 he led the successful three-month Easterhouse staffing dispute and was a main organiser of the campaign in the West of Scotland against the introduction of the Youth Training Scheme (YTS) into the civil service.Moving to Bristol in 1989, he was a founder of the Bristol Anti-Poll Tax Federation, playing an important role in organising protests and the non-payment campaign, led the Bristol health and safety dispute. He played an important role in the Bedminster Jobcentre dispute and in the subsequent anti-victimisation campaign against both management and the right-wing 'Moderate' leadership. As a member of the CPSA Group Executive Committee he organised strikes during the 1995-96 Employment Service pay dispute in Cardiff and Merthyr Tydfil. Subjected to years of harassment and victimisation, he fought off five serious attempts to have him sacked.A long-term member of the CPSA Broad Left National Committee, he was a founder member of its successor, Left Unity, and, with the exception of one year, served on its National Committee until retirement in 2019.McInally was elected to the Public and Commercial Services' (PCS) National Executive Committee (NEC) in 2002 and became vice-president from 2007 until 2017, playing a key organising role inthe successful annual re-election of the left. He worked closely with general secretary Mark Serwotka and presidents Janice Godrich and Fran Heathcote, playing a significant role in the development of policy and strategy, especially on welfare, privatisation, organising campaigns, industrial action, and speaking at innumerable meetings throughout the United Kingdom. He served at various times as liaison officer for each of the devolved areas of Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland, ensuring the voices of members in these areas were always heard. He played a very significant role in developing and delivering the union's highly regarded work in the Scottish independence referendum.In 2018, along with other leading rank-and-file PCS activists, he was expelled from the Socialist Party for opposing its 'descent into sectarianism, opportunism and the embrace of prestige politics' and its abandonment of core principles, most particularly the United Front strategy. He joined the Labour Party under the Corbyn leadership but was expelled under Starmer.He writes and speaks on political and cultural issues for socialist publications and organisations, principally the Morning Star.He lives in Croydon with his wife and comrade, Helen O'Connor, a union organiser and political activist.

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